In modern warfare, air and space superiority is not just an advantage — it is the price of admission. Having it is the difference between life and death, and for the U.S., a necessary pre-condition to ensuring global stability and effective deterrence.
As a four-star general in the U.S. Air Force, I have spent my career preparing airmen to fly, fight, and win. My job demands ensuring they are trained and equipped to provide the president with credible fail-safe options in an increasingly turbulent world.
That mission has been a driving fixture for the Air Force since its inception in 1947. It is a goal that every American should embrace and be thankful for, even if he or she doesn’t realize why.
Owning the sky, being able to fly, and if necessary, successfully fight anywhere at any time has never been more crucial to our national security and the defense of our global interests. It is why we ask so much of our airmen. The price of failure in today’s world is unacceptable.
If you need proof, look no further than Ukraine — a war where neither side holds air superiority. The result has been a prolonged, brutal conflict with over a million military and civilian casualties and no clear end in sight. Russia’s grinding invasion, initially bolstered by overwhelming firepower, has been slowed and blunted by Ukrainian resistance, built on layered air defenses and agile tactics that deny freedom of maneuver in the skies.
Contrast that with another example: the U.S. Air Force’s mission against Iranian nuclear facilities. Supported by fighters and tankers, B-2 bombers flew deep into Iranian airspace, dropped precision-guided munitions within inches of their targets, and exited without facing a single shot. That is air and space superiority.
A deeper analysis of these conflicts provides both lessons and important validation for the money we spend and the effort we devote in the U.S. to ensuring air and space superiority.
Russia entered Ukraine with what appeared to be a massive advantage in aircraft, missiles and long-range weapons. But two years later, it still cannot achieve dominance in the air. Meanwhile, Ukrainian resistance continues to deny that freedom, stalling Russian offensives, disrupting logistics, and limiting precision strike capabilities.
On the opposite spectrum, the Israel Defense Forces — supported by electronic warfare, aerial refueling, real-time satellite intelligence, and precision-guided munitions — have demonstrated the ability to strike critical targets deep within Iranian airspace with near-impunity.
Israel, and in one instance the U.S., has demonstrated the freedom to operate at will while leaving Iran with few credible responses.
Air and space superiority allows the U.S. and its partners to operate without prohibitive interference from the enemy. It grants freedom to attack, freedom from attack, and freedom to maneuver. In larger measure, it is the reason average Americans never worry about a military invasion at home.
But modern air superiority is no longer just about aircraft. It is also deeply tied to the space domain. The U.S. warfighter’s reliance on space-based capabilities — such as the Global Positioning System, high-bandwidth communications, and intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance — make space superiority a prerequisite for success in the air.
This interconnectedness permits air power to be degraded by disrupting space operations. Russia and China understand this. Their growing investment in counter-space capabilities is designed to undermine our effectiveness in the air by targeting the assets we rely on in space.
Maintaining — and ensuring — our advantage in the skies and space isn’t cheap. But it is a cost we must bear to prevent even more costly outcomes. It’s the reason we spend tax dollars developing the newest, most advanced fighter, the F-47, which is designed to penetrate heavily defended airspace and complete its missions. It’s why we underwrite the cost of elite training for air crews, focus on electronic and cyber warfare, and ensure that logistics — from aerial refueling to rapid repair — are resilient and integrated.
To win, we need real-time situational awareness through integrated sensor networks spanning all domains. And we must remain flexible, continuously adapting doctrine to stay ahead of emerging threats from determined and advanced adversaries like China.
History has taught us that decisive victories — and the ability to deter war altogether — are anchored in air and space superiority. We must fund modernization, train relentlessly, and forge strong partnerships with allies and partners who also depend on this shared freedom of action.
We must be ready to win fast and come home.
When we control the skies, we shape the battle. When we control space, we command the tempo. When we do both, we save American lives and ensure a continuing peace of mind, stability and prosperity that are byproducts of a safe and secure nation.
Gen. Ken Wilsbach is commander, Air Combat Command. Commissioned in 1985 by Air Force ROTC at the University of Florida, he is a command pilot with more than 6,000 flying hours and has flown 71 combat missions in operations Northern Watch, Southern Watch and Enduring Freedom.
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